By C.F. Goodey
Beginning with the speculation that not just human intelligence but in addition its antithesis 'intellectual incapacity' are not anything greater than ancient contingencies, C.F. Goodey's paradigm-shifting examine lines the wealthy interaction among labelled human forms and the extensively altering features attributed to them. From the twelfth-century beginnings of eu social management to the onset of formal human technology disciplines within the sleek period, A heritage of Intelligence and 'Intellectual incapacity' reconstructs the socio-political and spiritual contexts of highbrow skill and incapacity, and demonstrates how those recommendations grew to become a part of psychology, drugs and biology. Goodey examines a big selection of classical, past due medieval and Renaissance texts, from well known publications on behavior and behaviour to scientific treatises and from spiritual and philosophical works to poetry and drama. Focusing in particular at the interval among the Protestant Reformation and 1700, Goodey demanding situations the authorised knowledge that may have us think that 'intelligence' and 'disability' describe traditional, trans-historical realities. as a substitute, Goodey argues for a version that perspectives highbrow incapacity and certainly the intellectually disabled individual as contemporary cultural creations. His booklet is destined to develop into a typical source for students attracted to the historical past of psychology and drugs, the social origins of human self-representation, and present moral debates in regards to the genetics of intelligence.
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Additional info for A history of intelligence and 'intellectual disability' : the shaping of psychology in early modern Europe
He sees the acquisition of intellectual virtue as natural in the sense that it is based on natural causes, or more precisely on natural goals inherent in those causes. This is hardly scientific in any sense that we might understand it, since the causes are dispositional rather than determined; they hinge indiscriminately on biology or just plain luck – and social status. Any teleological components in the slave’s nature refer to the larger nature of the community rather than to that of the individual.
28 The word translated here as “participate” (koinoneo) echoes the book’s initial reference to the city-state as the supreme community (koinonia). A better translation might therefore be that slaves “belong to the community of reason,” rather than simply participating in it. Moreover, to “apprehend but not possess” reason sounds suspiciously self-contradictory, and needs closer inspection. 29 It is the most clearcut type of opposition. ” So “possessing an apprehension of justice” is already contained within the overall idea of “apprehending reason,” whatever the social status of the possessor.
Aristotle’s modern commentators, however, have had their eyes not only on the man of excess but on certain social distinctions, and we shall examine here what Aristotle has to say about these. These stray references aside, his social distinctions centre on slavery. In Book 1 of Politics, he writes about a separate population of “natural slaves,” as distinct from slaves by “convention” or “law” such as prisoners of war. Were the former the intellectually disabled people of his time? Aristotle against the sophists, ancient and modern It is commonly thought that this distinction, between slaves press-ganged by brute force and “natural” ones whose enslavement is due to some innate slavelike characteristic, was Aristotle’s own.