By Karin Dokken (auth.)

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The second section of Chapter 7 later analyzes the reasons why this monopoly does not exist. What driving forces lie behind this change in the African states’ way of organizing their own defense and security? What consequences can this have for the further development of the African states? International Relations Theories and African Security Politics We need analytical tools to be able to understand African security in a complex world. We need concepts and analytical frameworks that can help us organize a complex reality—that is, we need theories.

In 1977 Mobutu’s family took $71 million from the central bank for personal use, and by the 1980s, his personal fortune was estimated at $5 billion (Acemoglu, Robinson, and Verdier 2003, 7). An international observer reported in 1979 that no effective control of the financial transactions of the presidency existed; “one does not differentiate between official and personal expenses in this office” (Erwin Blumenthal, cited in Meredith 2005, 305). In his Dark Age: The Political Odyssey of Emperor Bokassa, Brian Titley assesses the reign of Jean-Bedel Bokassa, the military ruler of the Central African Republic from 1966 and the emperor of the Central African Empire from 1976 to 1979.

Probably not. The Liberian state, the Congolese state, and the Sierra Leonean state, for example, are not “real” states with control over their borders and remote areas. Nor do they control the resources that are vital for safeguarding their respective states in the long run. If the African states are not states in the Weberian sense of the word, then what are they? During the last ten years or so, we have seen numerous efforts to theorize on the characteristics of the African state. Influential scholars such as Jean-Francois Bayart, Christopher Clapham, Robert H.

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